Este artigo parte da Exortação Pós-Sinodal Amoris Laetitia quanto trata da questão da importância do trabalho para a constituição e estabilidade da família. O trabalho é um tema bíblico que diz respeito tanto á realidade pessoal, familiar, quanto com a conservação da natureza. A preocupação da Igreja com as questões sociais sempre esteve presente. Os acontecimentos decorrentes da revolução industrial, suscitando questões de justiça, e colocando em destaque a causa operária, derivada do conflito entre capital e trabalho, provocou a promulgação (...) da primeira encíclica social, a Rerum Novarum. A globalização e a tecnologia trouxeram mudanças para o mundo do trabalho como para todo o conjunto da sociedade. Essas mudanças exigem das pessoas uma constante atualização para se adaptarem à nova realidade. O termo empregabilidade apareceu nos debates na Academia, no mundo do trabalho e nas discussões sobre políticas públicas no Brasil. O trabalho, quanto mais desenvolvida a sociedade mais se especializa, sua atualização vai acompanhando os avanços tecnológicos, que permite e auxilia nas demais áreas nas quais o esforço humano é aplicado. Além de paradigma da vida social, o trabalho tem a dignidade de um âmbito no qual deve encontrar realização a vocação pessoal e social da pessoa humana. A empregabilidade como forma de se manter ativo no mercado de trabalho requer que o sujeito procure corresponder ao que as corporações necessitam para o seu desenvolvimento e exigem dos seus colaboradores para se integrarem nas equipes que compõem a empresa. (shrink)

This theological argument job has three sections, each of them dealing with one of its aspects. In the first, on the creation, there are the data as presented in the Holy Scriptures, the development of creationist theology and confirmation that science and theology can illuminate each other since respecting each others' differences. In the second, on the incarnation, it is confirmed that God is not unfamiliar to his work because, after creating it, continued veiling about to send his Son to (...) bring it to fullness. The Word became flesh, became man in the womb of Mary, so that human being could take part in the divine life. In the third, on the mercy, it is the divine attention to the most vulnerable human beings, and as such attention becomes central to the plan of salvation for those who knew Jesus Christ and want to be part of his kingdom. (shrink)

Henri Lefebvre, em O Direito à Cidade, afirmou que a cidade desde a Idade Clássica foi um objeto especial para o pensamento filosófico: a própria filosofia nasceu na cidade. Outra questão, destacou, seria pensar em um direito à cidade, como direito à vida urbana, transformada, renovada, um direito em formação que ainda não teria entrado nos códigos formalizados. Esse conceito, criado pouco antes de Maio de 1968 e empregado por diversos movimentos sociais desde o fim da década de 1960 até (...) os dias atuais, inclusive no Brasil, foi depois discutido, entre outros autores, por David Harvey. No entanto, esses autores não realizaram exatamente uma articulação com a filosofia do Direito. O artigo tem como objetivo apontar algumas possibilidades dessa articulação, à luz dos movimentos relativos à reforma urbana e ao direito moradia no Brasil, e do processo internacional de criação desse direito. (shrink)

Infertility constitutes an essential source of stress in the individual and couple’s life. The Infertility-Related Stress Scale is of clinical interest for exploring infertility-related stress affecting the intrapersonal and interpersonal domains of infertile individuals’ lives. In the present study, the IRSS was translated into Brazilian–Portuguese, and its factor structure, reliability, and relations to sociodemographic and infertility-related characteristics and depression were examined. A sample of 553 Brazilian infertile individuals completed the Brazilian–Portuguese IRSS, and a subsample of 222 participants also completed the (...) BDI-II. A sample of 526 Italian infertile individuals was used to test for the IRSS measurement invariance across Brazil and Italy. Results of exploratory structural equation modeling indicated that a bifactor solution best represented the structure underlying the IRSS-BP. Both the general and the two specific intrapersonal and interpersonal IRSS-BP factors showed satisfactory levels of composite reliability. The bifactor ESEM solution replicated well across countries. As evidence of relations to other variables, female gender, a longer duration of infertility, and higher depression were associated with higher scores in global and domain-specific infertility-related stress. The findings offer initial evidence of validity and reliability of the IRSS-BP, which could be used by fertility clinic staff to rapidly identify patients who need support to deal with the stressful impact of infertility in the intrapersonal and interpersonal life domains, as recommended by international guidelines for routine psychosocial care in infertility settings. (shrink)

Em boa parte do Artigo 68 do Livro Primeiro de seu Estado e Pranto da Igreja, Álvaro Pais, O. Min. (c. 1270-1349) refuta 5 proposições com implicações políticas atribuídas a Marsílio de Pádua (1280-1342). Neste artigo, analisamos a refutação dessas proposições feitas pelo Menorita galego, comparando-as, de um lado, com os textos, efetivamente escritos pelo Médico paduano, que se encontram em sua obra Defensor da Paz (1324) e, de outro, cotejando-o com uma Epistula ad quosdam cardinales, de autoria do mencionado (...) Frade, escrita pelo menos dois anos antes. Desse estudo resultaram as seguintes conclusões: 1 – Frei Álvaro, sem fazer nenhuma alusão, apoiou-se basicamente na mencionada Epistula. 2 – Sob o aspecto doutrinal, essencialmente, não há diferença entre ambos os textos alvarinos. 3 – Nos dois textos, o Franciscano galego não compulsou o Defensor da Paz, tendo utilizado as teses que os censores dessa obra imputaram ao seu autor; em 1327, quando o Papa João XXII condenou-a como herética. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Álvaro Pais. Marsílio de Pádua. Plenitude do poder. Filosofia política. ABSTRACT In a large part of the Article 68 of the Book one of his Status et Planctus Ecclesiae, Alvarus Pelagius O. Min. (c. 1270-1349) refutes five propositions, having political implications, attributed to Marsilius Patavinus (1280-1342). In this study, we analyze the refutation of these propositions made by Alvarus, comparing, on the one hand, with the texts, really, written by Marsilius, which are in his book entitled Defensor pacis (1324), and on the other hand, quoting Alvarus’ text with the Epistula ad quosdam cardinales, also written by the mentioned Franciscan friar two years before. From this study, resulted the following conclusions: 1 – Without to do any mention in the Article 68, the principal Alvarus’ source was the referred Epistula. 2 – Considering the two texts written by Fr. Alvarus, according the doctrinal aspect, they are essentially equal. 3 – In both texts we could see that Alvarus not had in his hands the Defensor Pacis, having used the thesis which the censors of this book imputed to Marsilius in 1327, when this book was condemned as heretic by the Pope John XXII. KEY WORDS – Alvarus Pelagius. Marsilius of Padua. Plentitude of power. Political philosophy. (shrink)

Em sua obra principal, o bispo franciscano Álvaro Pais elenca as principais heresias contra a fé cristã. Reserva uma parte significativa a combater três “erros” de Marsílio de Pádua: as afirnações de que o papa pode ser julgado pelo imperador, que o poder do papa não é superior ao de qualquer presbitero e que, morto o papa, o poder retorna ao imperador. Estuda-se a maneira como tais afirmações são refutadas e conclui-se que Álvaro não dispunha do texto marsiliano, e sim (...) de reportação do mesmo e que repete nessa obra o que já escrevera em outra. (shrink)

Marsilio de Pádua e Guilherme de Ockham viveram seus últimos anos na corte de Luís da Baviera. Ambos opuseram-se aos papas da época. Entretanto, a posição deles a respeito do primado do sumo pontífice não é idêntica. Enquanto Marsílio a nega quase totalmente, Ockham observa que se trata de um problema de cunho teológico e critica os argumentos de Marsílio.

Marsílio de Pádua, embora não tenha escrito sobre Teoria da História, contudo oferece pistas para analisar-se como a ciência histórica estava formulada no século XN. Pela leitura de seus textos, vê-se como formulou a teoria a partir de fatos candentes de seu tempo.

O primeiro capítulo versa a respeito do objetivo do que há de ser tratado. O segundo mostra de que modo o Império Romano permaneceu sem alteração durante trezentos e cinqüenta e quatro anos e cinco meses, governado por trinta e três imperadores. O terceiro aborda porque os Orientais, a saber, os Persas, os Árabes, os Caldeus e outras nações limítrofes se subtraíram do domínio do Império Romano. O quarto capítulo discorre sobre quais foram os principais povos que se rebelaram por (...) causa das mencionadas circunstâncias. O quinto trata do princípio e da àisposição relativa à transferência do Império dos Gregos para os Francos. O sexto aborda de que modo Pepino, no tempo de Zacarias, papa romano, foi elevado de mordomo a rei dos Francos. O sétimo capítulo discorre de que maneira Pepino, rei dos Francos, por solicitação da Igreja Romana, veio à Itália lutar contra Astolfo, rei dos Lombardos, o venceu e restituiu à Igreja Romana seus bens temporais. O oitavo trata do modo como, no tempo do papa Adriano, Carlos Magno foi estabelecido patrício da cidade, e como lhe foi concedido o controle sobre a Sé Apostólica. O nono mostra de que maneira foi efetuada a translação do Império Romano dos Gregos para os Francos. O décimo considera como o Império foi transferido dos Francos ou Gauleses para os Germânicos. O décimo primeiro discorre acerca do modo como foram estabelecidos os eleitores do Império Germânico. O décimo segundo capítulo recapitula o que foi anteriormente abordado. (shrink)

No presente trabalho é examinado o conceito de "representação" em duas obras de Nicolau de Oresme. No De maneta, o pensador medieval faz pequenas referências ao poder de decisão do povo em questões monetárias. Anos mais tarde, ao traduzir e comentar a Política de Aristóteles, retoma a noção de Marsílio de Pádua a respeito da multidão como legislador, mas define a multidão não como o povo, mas como a congregação de todos os príncipes ou oficiais, entre os principais cidadãos.

In this study, based in the main political works of D. Fr. Alvarus Pelagius O. Min. (c. 1270- c.1350) we analyze his conception on the origin or efficient cause of the spiritual power and, also, his thought about the finality or final cause of the mentioned power. Referring to the first topic, the Bishop of Silves wants principally refutes some Marsilius of Padua’s thesis contained in the Second Dictio of his Defensor Pacis, completely different of the theology of the (...) catholic priesthood and their hierarchic degrees and the Peter’s Primacy. With this purpose, ad litteram, he bases, between other sources, specially, in James’ of Viterbo OSA De regimine christiano (1301). Concerning the finality of the spiritual power, on the one hand, Alvarus supports the Church’s traditional thought about this matter and, the other hand, by consequence, as member and defender of the hierocratic thought, he defends the thesis according which, in the Societas Christiana, the priests, the bishops and, principally, the Roman Pontiff hold the most important position concerning the secular rulers. (shrink)

In this article, based on the most important William of Ockham’s O. Min. writings, we analyze his ideias concerning the origins of the imperial and secular power. Founded in the Paul’s doctrine omnis potestas a Deo, but enlarged, per homines, and also on the ideas of his Franciscan brothers which lived before, which articulated the concepts of proprietas and domininum, in order to explain the human origins of the both, on the one hand, Ockham refuses not only the hierocratic theory, (...) but also Marsilius of Padua thought about this subject, and, on the other hand, he offers his contribution for this subject, according with which, nor the Empire neither the Estates are completely subordinated to the Church, nor the Church is subordinated for the secular power, because, referring its origins, both, Church and Estates are different origins, the first has a divine proceeding, the others, are immediately a human provenance and, because, in its specific spheres of action the spiritual power and the secular power do not depend one of the other and vice versa.Neste artigo, fundamentado nos principais escritos de Guilherme de Ockham, O. Min., analisamos sua concepção a respeito das origens dos poderes imperial e secular. Ancorado no versículo paulino omnis potestas a Deo, mas ampliado, sed per homines e, igualmente, nas ideias dos confrades que o antecederam, os quais relacionaram entre si os conceitos proprietas e dominium, com vista a explicar as origens humanas dos mesmos, de um lado, ele rebate tanto a teoria hierocrata quanto a de Marsílio de Pádua, relativas ao tema em exame e, de outro, oferece sua contribuição ao mesmo, mediante a qual, nem o Império nem os Estados estão completamente subordinados à Igreja, nem esta está submissa ao poder terreno, porque, quanto às origens de ambos, a Igreja tem uma procedência divina e os Estados e o Império têm imediatamente uma origem humana e, ainda, porque nas esferas respectivas de atuação, os poderes espiritual e secular independem um do outro. (shrink)

Neste estudo, com base nos principais escritos políticos de D. Frei Álvaro Pais O. Min. (c. 1270- c.1350) analisamos sua concepção a respeito da origem ou causa eficiente do poder espiritual e, igualmente, seu pensamento no tocante à finalidade ou causa final do referido poder. Quanto ao primeiro tópico, o Bispo de Silves quer principalmente refutar algumas das teses de Marsílio de Pádua contidas na 2ª Parte do seu Defensor da Paz, completamente opostas à teologia do sacerdócio católico e seus (...) graus hierárquicos e à do Primado Petrino. Para tanto, quase literalmente, haure-se, entre outras fontes, particularmente no De regimine christiano (1301) de Tiago de Viterbo OSA. Com respeito à finalidade do poder sacerdotal, de um lado, Álvaro sustenta a doutrina tradicional da Igreja a seu respeito e, de outro, em conseqüência, como partidário da hierocracia, defende a tese de que na, Societas Christiana, os detentores do poder espiritual, particularmente o Sumo Pontífice, ocupam uma posição mais eminente em relação aos governantes seculares. (shrink)

The aim of this article is to analyze Book III of Bernard of Clairvaux 's treatise De consideratione dedicated to his former disciple, the Pope Eugenius IIL In this particular Book, Bernard considers, on the one hand, the principal duties of the Roman Pontíff concerning spiritual affairs and, on the other reflects about the main problems that at the time were prejudicial of the good order as well as of the religious and moral life and peace expected in the interior (...) of the Ecclesia/Christianitas. The author of the article infers from this analysis that the Doctor Mellífiuous clearly supports the thesis that the Pope must not exercise the fullness of power in spiritualibus (much less in temporalibus), even though there were reasons that could justífy actions of this kind, because they do not have a basis in Scripture nor in Justice; neither does it consider the utility it might have for the faithful, or their sense of decency. The article also underlines the importance and the posterior reception of this Book III in the political writings of William of Ockham and of Marsilius of Padua against the pontifical hierocracy during the first half of the XIV century. (shrink)

Neste estudo, com base nos principais escritos políticos de D. Frei Álvaro Pais O. Min. (c. 1270-c. 1350) analisamos sua concepção a respeito da origem ou causa eficiente do poder espiritual e, igualmente, seu pensamento no tocante à finalidade ou causa final do referido poder. Quanto ao primeiro tópico, o Bispo de Silves quer principalmente refutar algumas das teses de Marsílio de Pádua contidas na 2.ª Parte do seu Defensor da Paz, completamente opostas à teologia do sacerdócio católico e seus (...) graus hierárquicos e à do Primado Petrino. Para tanto, quase literalmente, haure-se, entre outras fontes, particularmente no De regimine christiano (1301) de Tiago de Viterbo OSA. Com respeito à finalidade do poder sacerdotal, de um lado, Álvaro sustenta a doutrina tradicional da Igreja a seu respeito e, de outro, em conseqüência, como partidário da hierocracia, defende a tese de que na, Societas Christiana, os detentores do poder espiritual, particularmente o Sumo Pontífice, ocupam uma posição mais eminente em relação aos governantes seculares. (shrink)

A Second level Master in “Clinical Bioethics Consultation” has been organized in Italy to offer an opportunity to offer an adequate training to carry out an ethics consultation in different health fields. The master has been promoted and realized by different institutions: Catholic University of Sacred Hearth in Rome, Insubria University in Varese, “Federico II” University in Naples, Lanza Foundation in Padua and the Local Health and Social Care Unit n.7 in Veneto Region. The aim of the master is (...) train ethics consultants to offer help regarding a correct decision, which will take by others. The choice must be as much as possible shared between patient, family and health care team. Ethics consultation can be primarily request by the physicians, nurses and health care staff such as support about a choice that wants to be the most appropriate and to clarify a dilemma between different options. Secondly an ethics consultation can be demand by the patient and the family members to find a clarification about their dilemmas and future choices. Also the administrative staff could ask the consultation, when it need to better explain ad example about a specific clinical case or a question concerned the health policy. (shrink)

This paper, which gives continuity to another article, analyzes the content of I Dialogus V, 14-22 and, in an appendix, presents our Portuguese translation of this excerpt. In these chapters, the Inceptor Venerabilis discusses whether St. Peter and the Roman Church possess primacy over all other apostles and churches; andwhether this primacy is granted by God himself. Ockham first presents, not ad litteram, the opinion of those who refute the thesis that Christ did not give primacy to Peter and the (...) Roman Church. Then, because this thesis fully deflates papal power, he proposes a contrary thesis based on five proofs. We conclude that Ockham’s unnamed opponent is Marsilius of Padua, whose opinions are in his Defensor Pacis. (shrink)

antonio favaro was born in padua on 21 may 1847 to a cultivated family of lower nobility. after having accomplished his studies in mathematics at the university of padua in 1866, he went to turin, where he specialized as an engineer at the scuola d’applicazione in 1869. as early as 1872, he was appointed as extra-ordinary professor at the university of padua. for fifty years he taught graphical statics there. during different periods he also gave courses (...) in infinitesimal calculus and projective geometry. since 1878 favaro, as one of the first in an italian university, also taught history of mathematics. he died in padua on 30 september 1922, shortly after his retirement. (shrink)

Este artigo intenta apresentar como a pregação de Santo António de Pádua está conectada com a cidade. Através de alguns exemplos tomados das legendas hagiográficas e sermões, o autor reconstrói as mudanças de atitudes de hagiógrafos e pregadores ligados a António algumas vezes a um contexto urbano geral e, em última medida, a cidade de Pádua. Em particular, o artigo se detém sobre alguns textos que destacam o efeito da pregação de Santo António no seu público-alvo, ou seja, a população (...) da cidade em que falava. O período da análise é primariamente compreendido durante a canonização do santo, em meados do século XIV. Apesar disso, algumas referências a autores da época posterior serão feitas como comparação e aprofundamento da panorâmica oferecida. No final da Idade Média, santo António acabaria por ser, em certa medida, o modelo para os frades mendicantes, talvez atraídos pelos santos mais próximos no tempo. (shrink)

Italian contributions to the Enlightenment are most often discussed in terms of the slow acceptance of Newtonian science (Ferrone) or the obstacles to change within a quaint museum of antiquated states (Venturi). This case study of an important naturalist attempts to identify the paths to change between tradition and revolt, in fields of natural knowledge that are sometimes less regarded in the context of an international movement of intellectual emancipation. In spite of an early attachment to some form of physico‑theology, (...) Antonio Vallisneri, professor of medicine at the University of Padua from 1700 to his death in 1730, made a number of innovative contributions to biological description and natural history which placed him among the forerunners of Georges Buffon. Heir to the empirical approach enshrined in the work of Marcello Malpighi, for the most part he attempted to avoid much of the philosophical and theological speculation raging between deists and atheists. However, the implications of his work, including activity as a science communicator to wider audiences, pointed to a reassessment of the importance of accurate natural knowledge in the ongoing reform of public instruction and cultural institutions then occurring in the major cities of Italy and abroad, an important plank in the Enlightenment program in the years leading up to the French Encyclopédie. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Journal of the History of Ideas 65.1 (2004) 1-13 [Access article in PDF] Ambiguities of the Prisca Sapientia in Late Renaissance Humanism Martin Mulsow University of Munich The wisdom of the ancients, says Marsilio Ficino, was a pious philosophy.1 Born among the Egyptians with Hermes Trismegistus—and, according to Ficino's later writings, concurrently among the Persians with Zoroaster—it was raised by the Thracians under Orpheus and Aglaophemus. It later matured (...) under Pythagoras among the Greeks and Italians and culminated in Plato. As is well known, this genealogy was not merely a historical thesis for Ficino and his followers but also a program for revival, a utopia achieved through restoration. For the assertion of a concordance between these early philosophies and their accordance with Christianity—in the sense of a Christian Platonism—implied the synthesis of fragementary philosophemes into a fully developed doctrine in the service of a uniform and timely philosophia pia.This program was formulated in a variety of ways during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries with differing protagonists and with diverse aims. Thus one could supplement the genealogy in a cabalist vein, introduce biblical characters such as Solomon or Moses, or (as was done by Bruno) use it to contest Christian doctrine. The genealogy could be read as culminating in various notable modern figures such as for example, Paracelsus. Aristotle could be included or excluded from it, depending on whether one wanted to assimilate the Aristotelian tradition or to distance oneself from it; and one could leave the end [End Page 1] of this genealogical lineage open in order to exhort the necessity of a scientific and moral reform.Here, however, we shall be occupied with the question of what became of this program during the late Renaissance, when two developments took place simultaneously: on the one hand, the utopia of the prisca sapientia set about to conquer the field formerly reserved to the Aristotelians, namely, natural philosophy; on the other hand, the first doubts arose about the overall validity of the historical-philological foundation of the program, especially the dating of the works of Hermes Trismegistus. The latter began with the publication of the first part of Patrizi's Discussiones peripateticae in 1571,which aimed to rehabilitate, contrary to Aristotle's critique, old presocratic natural philosophies, and in so doing it cleared the way for interpreting the latest advancements in non-Aristotelian natural sciences as resumptions of these very philosophies.2 This initiated a period of complex interaction between late humanist philology, innovative natural science, and speculative metaphysics.This phase, however, not only entailed the grand synthesizing endeavors that one finds in Patrizi's Nova de universis philosophia;it also introduced historical critique—no doubt provoked by Patrizi—of the Hermetic prisca sapientia, understood in Frances Yates's sense, which was performed in careful detail long before Casaubon at the end of the Renaissance.3 Further, it was a phase characterized by an attempt to reevaluate Aristotelian philosophy against its opponents, which paradoxically was also motivated by Patrizi yet which managed to keep the venture open to "esoteric" depths. All of these developments were intertwined, and each effected the articulation of encyclopedic projects at the beginning of the seventeenth century. On the basis of manuscripts, letters, and some neglected texts, I want to introduce two such countercurrents, which illustrate how the migration of arguments from one cultural context to another can lead to wholly divergent and unexpected results. Moreover, these results show the diverse consequences that a prisca sapientia-utopia could have for different visions of encyclopedic scholarship.I. In the bookshop of Paolo Meietti in Padua, Teodoro Angelucci and Antonio Persio met accidentally on an autumn day in 1558. Meietti was the publisher of Angelucci's medical textbook as well as of texts by Patrizi and his [End Page 2] colleague Giannini, and it is possible that Persio was out to discuss publishing possibilities for his forthcoming manuscript De natura ignis. In any case, they were there for business-related matters, so it was quite natural for Persio to... (shrink)

1 There have been several editions of Fridugisus’ letter. I have consulted those in Jaques-Paul Migne, Patrologiae cursus completus … series latina, 221 vols., (Paris: J.-P. Migne, 1844–1864), vol. 105, cols. 751–756; Francesco Corvino, “Il ‘De nihilo et tenebris’ di Fredegiso di Tours,” Rivista critica di storia della filosofia (1956), pp. 273–286; and the most recent and authoritative edition, in Concettina Gennaro, Fridugiso di Tours e il “De substantia nihili et tenebrarum”: Edizione critica e studio introduttivo, (“Pubblicazioni dell’istituto universitario di (...) magistero di Catania,” serie filosofica — saggi e monografie, no. 46; Padua: Casa editrice Dott. Antonio Milani, 1963). Fridugisus’ letter survives in four manuscripts. Nevertheless the text is corrupt in places, and all editors have had to suggest emendations here and there. For my translation I have followed Gennaro’s edition, but not always her interpretation. There is another translation, by Hermigild Dressler, in John F. Wippel and Allan Wolter, eds., Medieval Philosophy from St. Augustine to Nicholas of Cusa, (New York: The Free Press, 1969), pp. 104–108. Note that references to the Psalms in this translation are given according to the numbering in the Revised Standard Edition. (shrink)

Martin Folkes (1690–1754) was Newton's protégé, an English antiquary, mathematician, numismatist and astronomer who would in the latter part of his career become simultaneously president of the Royal Society and of the Society of Antiquaries. Folkes took a Grand Tour from March 1733 to September 1735, recording the Italian leg of his journey from Padua to Rome in his journal. This paper examines Folkes's travel diary to analyse his Freemasonry, his intellectual development as a Newtonian and his scientific peregrination. (...) It shows how, in this latter area, how he used metrology to understand not only the aesthetics but also the engineering principles of antique buildings and artefacts, as well as their context and place in the Italian landscape. Using Folkes's diary, his account book of his journey in the Norwich archives, and his correspondence with other natural philosophers such as Francesco Algarotti (1712–1764), Anders Celsius (1701–1744) and Abbé Antonio Schinella Conti (1667–1749), this paper will also demonstrate to what extent Folkes's journey established his reputation as an international broker of Newtonianism, as well as the overall primacy of English scientific instrumentation to Italian virtuosi. (shrink)

The synthesis between death and vocation that has in the structure ‘being toward vocation’ its conclusion is the key to human finitude according to Ortega y Gasset. This means, against Heidegger’s ‘being toward death’, that in Ortega death, far from being understood as a priori horizon of meaning of existence and sign of human finitude, is an essential ingredient -and a posteriori- of human life which, together with the human vocation, essentially defines existence. The development of that synthesis obliges us (...) to explain two fundamental problems that form part of the essence of death. The first is the mystery of death, which is basically due to two questions: the enigmatic ceasing to be that describes death, and the particular fact that death is simultaneously exterior and interior to life, strange and familiar. The second problem is the question of why human beings do not want to die and want to live, a question substantially linked to the question of the meaning of human life. (shrink)

The term etonism is from «Etona» that means flag, marks, evidence, and reason in Kikôngo. The variants in Umbûndu: etonolo or etonuilo means, allegations, reasons, indulgence (tolerance). The Nyaneka form is etŏnya: 1) reasons, 2) allegations, 3) indulgence and 5) the justice and the tolerance. Etona is Angolan artist (sculptor/painter). In his sculpture they are morphologically evidenced three treatments in the surface of the matter, namely 1) flat treatment; 2) rude treatment and finally 3) accidental treatment. Each one is a (...) code: #1. The flat treatment indicates well-knowledge; a man of superior class; race or tribe or religion of majority; thought well-organized and structured. In painting, the hot intensity indicates dominance, prosperity, energy, intense desires; #2. The rude treatment reveals an acquired knowledge without academism, self-taught; medium class men; speech out of the scientific perimeters but with certain admissibility; race, tribe or religion of lot of people, but not of majority. In his painting, the neutral intensity marks the balance and inspires recomfort nurtured from two opposed poles (hot and cold); #3. The accidental part of the sculpture indicates some knowledge’s lack (pure empiricism); inferior class; race, tribe, religion of minority. In the painting, the cold intensity is naturally contrary of #1. Etonism is the tolerant reason between #1=I, #2=YOU and #3=HE. All of them form the coherent society that we call WE: the Etonian jusphilosophy that African peoples need for stability of their democracies and finishing their War. (shrink)

Scientists are rapidly mapping the chemical and physical pathways that constitute biological systems, making the complexity of processes such as inheritance, development, evolution, and even the origin of life increasingly tractable. Through genetics and neuroscience, biological understanding is now being extended deeply into the human sciences and has begun to transform our understanding of behavior, mind, culture, and values. The idea of a science-driven unity of knowledge has reemerged in several forms in both reductionist and nonreductionist frameworks. This volume examines (...) some of the extraordinary empirical discoveries that have caused a revival of this idea and presents theories from thinkers in a variety of disciplines, including E. O. Wilson, Eric Kandel, and Elaine Scarry. (shrink)